The economic depression has always been a hotbed of trade protectionism. In 1929, on the occasion of the financial crisis of Wall Street’s speculative frenzy, the US Congress passed the extreme protectionist Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, which triggered the tariff wars of countries rushing for revenge, and will finally be on the verge of crisis. Struggling countries around the world are pushing into the abyss of record-breaking crises. After 80 years, the Wall Street giant once again dragged the world into the most serious economic crisis since the 1929-1993 crisis. Will the world repeat the mistakes of the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act?
The spread of global trade protection is undoubtedly. Some current events around the world, especially in some western economic powers, have already made people feel the chill of the global trade protectionism. The Italians eat Italian food has moved from the small town. Lucca has spread to major cities such as Milan; Russia has increased import tariffs on automobiles; following the increase in import tariffs on certain types of soybean oil, India has recently announced no restrictions on importing Chinese toys.
Some of the most potentially influential people are the top economic hegemonic countries in the United States: Chinese-made souvenirs and national flags sold by government agencies across the United States have been accused of not loving the United States; recently the US House of Representatives passed the 2009 US Recovery and Reinvestment The bill sets out the purchase of US goods clause, and the $90 billion infrastructure investment beneficiary project required for this bill cannot use steel materials produced outside the United States; since then, the text of the Senate review even requires that all economic stimulus programs use US equipment and commodity.
Moreover, this wave of protectionism is still spreading to cross-border flows such as capital and people: foreign investment in some countries has been accused of being more violently questioned as a result of the loss of employment opportunities in the country, and foreign employees are first employed in the wave of layoffs. The opening of the knife is becoming a means for some American companies to show patriotic gestures; some US senators are actively advocating the inclusion of the “employment of Americans†clause in the economic stimulus plan; demanding that the government’s economic stimulus plan benefit the industry and enterprises can only hire nationals The demonstration has spread from England to the entire British Isles.
The potential for China is even more lethal. I believe that the wave of trade protectionism will continue to develop for some time, especially in the United States, because Western representative democracy itself is more likely to make trade protectionist forces gain political energy that is not commensurate with its actual economic strength. For example, the US Constitution grants foreign trade policy decision-making power to Congress. This system makes it easier for US interest groups that advocate trade protectionism or trade issues to be more likely to dominate the country's trade policy than the dominant one. The status of the only superpower is more exciting. The vicious expansion of US trade protectionism.
Then, under the impact of the trade protectionism, what is China like?
The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act is undoubtedly a testament to the past. A comprehensive protectionist trade war will surely push the world into a vicious circle of trade protection and trade shrinking. This is the end that all countries in the world must try to avoid. As the world's second largest exporting country, one of the world's largest surplus countries and the biggest victim of world trade protectionism in the late 1990s, trade protectionism has a greater potential for China. Therefore, China has coped with greater efforts to curb the spread of trade protectionism.
It cannot be confused and impacted on the domestic market. The attack and containment of trade protectionism cannot be confused or conflicted with the efforts to maintain the normal order of the domestic market. The object of vigilance and prevention in China should not be limited to traditional protectionism aimed at protecting the domestic market, but should also include offensive protectionism aimed at capturing overseas markets.
Since the economic crisis has greatly enhanced the motivation of countries to compete for overseas markets, it is believed that countries will use more financial and financial tools to support domestic enterprises to seize overseas markets. Even in the United States, a free market economy base that has always banned words such as "industrial development policies," one of the salient features of Obama's economic stimulus plan is to provide large-scale financial investment in new energy, IT and other industries. At the same time, most of the manufacturing industry in the United States is also vigorously lobbying to try to get a share of the financial stimulus plan. Relying on the financial support of the US government, the ability of US related industries to carry out dumping on the international market is expected to be greatly enhanced.
The practice in China proves that the market-changing technology strategy is generally unsuccessful. In order to create power for China's economic and social sustainable development and create as many employment opportunities as possible for the country, China must unswervingly follow the path of developing independent advanced manufacturing and modern service industries.
In recent years, China has continuously learned the lessons of independent and advanced manufacturing development since the reform and opening up, and has not regressed in many aspects. The financial crisis is seen as a good opportunity to promote industrial upgrading and accelerate the impact of external economic shocks. However, the rising trend of the offensive protectionism in developed countries and the development of independent and advanced manufacturing industries in China will tend to intensify. The probability of dumping foreign industries hitting the industrial damage investigation bureau of the Ministry of Commerce of China and the fair trade bureau will also follow. rise.
In this regard, China should actively change its thinking, not only as a candidate for passive trading partner protection measures, but also to be as proactive as possible to strive for fair treatment for our industry. At the same time, analyze whether the content of industrial development policies in the economic stimulus plan of the United States and other major trading partners constitutes a violation of WTO rules, and appropriately increase the use of anti-dumping, countervailing, and safeguard measures in the next two years, especially for domestic industries. The advanced manufacturing industry that focuses on development creates a more level playing field.
The crisis weakens the resistance to the right to speak at a higher level. At present, the current domestic and international attacks on trade protectionism have an implicit premise that the current international economic and trade rules have been perfected, and any violation of them is a violation of " "Skybar", but this implicit premise is precisely not established.
Since the late 1980s, the most prominent problem of the globalization trend has been the imbalance of income and burden distribution. The globalization gains shared by developing countries are too small, and the burden of adjustment is too much. Developed countries have attempted to use unrestricted liberalization as a tool to deprive developing countries of the right to develop national industries and strive for equal status in the international economic system, and to deprive them of the right to protect themselves from international hot money. The two pillars of economic globalization, the World Trade Organization and the International Monetary Fund, have their own problems in this regard, and there are more problems in the implementation of the rules.
The WTO Director General’s 2001 annual report released before the opening of the Doha Round reminded members that although eight rounds of multilateral trade negotiations in the past 50 years have greatly promoted trade liberalization, trade barriers still exist, especially in the agricultural and textile sectors. And these sectors are extremely important to developing countries.
Historical lessons have proved that the imbalance in the distribution of international economic and trade interests has the potential to lead to a complete reversal of the globalization process. As a big country with independent interests, with the growth of strength, China’s unfair experience of the current international economic and trade rules that the West has led to formulate and implement is becoming increasingly painful. Striving to establish a more rational new international economic order has once again become China's long-term goal, and the discourse power to international economic rules is also a sign of a true economic power.
When China becomes a member of the WTO with full rights, it must exercise its legal rights and strive to promote the evolution of international economic and trade rules in a direction more in line with their own expectations. If, in the period of prosperity, the vested interests of the current international economic and trade rules have a greater moral right in the moral period, then the current crisis period will weaken the resistance of China to more reasonable international economic and trade rules to a certain extent.
China's economic adjustment momentum will enhance China's sensitivity to trade protectionism, especially the protectionism of a few trading partners, once again indicating that China's foreign trade is too concentrated and economic growth is too dependent on external demand. Therefore, China needs to adjust this in an orderly manner. It is believed that the crisis will also strengthen the internal motivation of domestic parties to adjust their foreign trade and economic growth models.
The 1997 Asian financial crisis triggered a worldwide deflation. After the failure of the WTO meeting in Seattle in 1999, the pessimistic atmosphere once permeated the international economic community. However, WTO members are able to cross the seemingly unfathomable gap of disagreement and launch the Doha Round, demonstrating the willingness to abandon the policy of beggar-thy-neighbor and work together to promote trade liberalization. In the current crisis, if countries can make enough efforts, the crisis and temporary trade protectionism will not be an opportunity to push the Doha round to break the deadlock.
The spread of global trade protection is undoubtedly. Some current events around the world, especially in some western economic powers, have already made people feel the chill of the global trade protectionism. The Italians eat Italian food has moved from the small town. Lucca has spread to major cities such as Milan; Russia has increased import tariffs on automobiles; following the increase in import tariffs on certain types of soybean oil, India has recently announced no restrictions on importing Chinese toys.
Some of the most potentially influential people are the top economic hegemonic countries in the United States: Chinese-made souvenirs and national flags sold by government agencies across the United States have been accused of not loving the United States; recently the US House of Representatives passed the 2009 US Recovery and Reinvestment The bill sets out the purchase of US goods clause, and the $90 billion infrastructure investment beneficiary project required for this bill cannot use steel materials produced outside the United States; since then, the text of the Senate review even requires that all economic stimulus programs use US equipment and commodity.
Moreover, this wave of protectionism is still spreading to cross-border flows such as capital and people: foreign investment in some countries has been accused of being more violently questioned as a result of the loss of employment opportunities in the country, and foreign employees are first employed in the wave of layoffs. The opening of the knife is becoming a means for some American companies to show patriotic gestures; some US senators are actively advocating the inclusion of the “employment of Americans†clause in the economic stimulus plan; demanding that the government’s economic stimulus plan benefit the industry and enterprises can only hire nationals The demonstration has spread from England to the entire British Isles.
The potential for China is even more lethal. I believe that the wave of trade protectionism will continue to develop for some time, especially in the United States, because Western representative democracy itself is more likely to make trade protectionist forces gain political energy that is not commensurate with its actual economic strength. For example, the US Constitution grants foreign trade policy decision-making power to Congress. This system makes it easier for US interest groups that advocate trade protectionism or trade issues to be more likely to dominate the country's trade policy than the dominant one. The status of the only superpower is more exciting. The vicious expansion of US trade protectionism.
Then, under the impact of the trade protectionism, what is China like?
The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act is undoubtedly a testament to the past. A comprehensive protectionist trade war will surely push the world into a vicious circle of trade protection and trade shrinking. This is the end that all countries in the world must try to avoid. As the world's second largest exporting country, one of the world's largest surplus countries and the biggest victim of world trade protectionism in the late 1990s, trade protectionism has a greater potential for China. Therefore, China has coped with greater efforts to curb the spread of trade protectionism.
It cannot be confused and impacted on the domestic market. The attack and containment of trade protectionism cannot be confused or conflicted with the efforts to maintain the normal order of the domestic market. The object of vigilance and prevention in China should not be limited to traditional protectionism aimed at protecting the domestic market, but should also include offensive protectionism aimed at capturing overseas markets.
Since the economic crisis has greatly enhanced the motivation of countries to compete for overseas markets, it is believed that countries will use more financial and financial tools to support domestic enterprises to seize overseas markets. Even in the United States, a free market economy base that has always banned words such as "industrial development policies," one of the salient features of Obama's economic stimulus plan is to provide large-scale financial investment in new energy, IT and other industries. At the same time, most of the manufacturing industry in the United States is also vigorously lobbying to try to get a share of the financial stimulus plan. Relying on the financial support of the US government, the ability of US related industries to carry out dumping on the international market is expected to be greatly enhanced.
The practice in China proves that the market-changing technology strategy is generally unsuccessful. In order to create power for China's economic and social sustainable development and create as many employment opportunities as possible for the country, China must unswervingly follow the path of developing independent advanced manufacturing and modern service industries.
In recent years, China has continuously learned the lessons of independent and advanced manufacturing development since the reform and opening up, and has not regressed in many aspects. The financial crisis is seen as a good opportunity to promote industrial upgrading and accelerate the impact of external economic shocks. However, the rising trend of the offensive protectionism in developed countries and the development of independent and advanced manufacturing industries in China will tend to intensify. The probability of dumping foreign industries hitting the industrial damage investigation bureau of the Ministry of Commerce of China and the fair trade bureau will also follow. rise.
In this regard, China should actively change its thinking, not only as a candidate for passive trading partner protection measures, but also to be as proactive as possible to strive for fair treatment for our industry. At the same time, analyze whether the content of industrial development policies in the economic stimulus plan of the United States and other major trading partners constitutes a violation of WTO rules, and appropriately increase the use of anti-dumping, countervailing, and safeguard measures in the next two years, especially for domestic industries. The advanced manufacturing industry that focuses on development creates a more level playing field.
The crisis weakens the resistance to the right to speak at a higher level. At present, the current domestic and international attacks on trade protectionism have an implicit premise that the current international economic and trade rules have been perfected, and any violation of them is a violation of " "Skybar", but this implicit premise is precisely not established.
Since the late 1980s, the most prominent problem of the globalization trend has been the imbalance of income and burden distribution. The globalization gains shared by developing countries are too small, and the burden of adjustment is too much. Developed countries have attempted to use unrestricted liberalization as a tool to deprive developing countries of the right to develop national industries and strive for equal status in the international economic system, and to deprive them of the right to protect themselves from international hot money. The two pillars of economic globalization, the World Trade Organization and the International Monetary Fund, have their own problems in this regard, and there are more problems in the implementation of the rules.
The WTO Director General’s 2001 annual report released before the opening of the Doha Round reminded members that although eight rounds of multilateral trade negotiations in the past 50 years have greatly promoted trade liberalization, trade barriers still exist, especially in the agricultural and textile sectors. And these sectors are extremely important to developing countries.
Historical lessons have proved that the imbalance in the distribution of international economic and trade interests has the potential to lead to a complete reversal of the globalization process. As a big country with independent interests, with the growth of strength, China’s unfair experience of the current international economic and trade rules that the West has led to formulate and implement is becoming increasingly painful. Striving to establish a more rational new international economic order has once again become China's long-term goal, and the discourse power to international economic rules is also a sign of a true economic power.
When China becomes a member of the WTO with full rights, it must exercise its legal rights and strive to promote the evolution of international economic and trade rules in a direction more in line with their own expectations. If, in the period of prosperity, the vested interests of the current international economic and trade rules have a greater moral right in the moral period, then the current crisis period will weaken the resistance of China to more reasonable international economic and trade rules to a certain extent.
China's economic adjustment momentum will enhance China's sensitivity to trade protectionism, especially the protectionism of a few trading partners, once again indicating that China's foreign trade is too concentrated and economic growth is too dependent on external demand. Therefore, China needs to adjust this in an orderly manner. It is believed that the crisis will also strengthen the internal motivation of domestic parties to adjust their foreign trade and economic growth models.
The 1997 Asian financial crisis triggered a worldwide deflation. After the failure of the WTO meeting in Seattle in 1999, the pessimistic atmosphere once permeated the international economic community. However, WTO members are able to cross the seemingly unfathomable gap of disagreement and launch the Doha Round, demonstrating the willingness to abandon the policy of beggar-thy-neighbor and work together to promote trade liberalization. In the current crisis, if countries can make enough efforts, the crisis and temporary trade protectionism will not be an opportunity to push the Doha round to break the deadlock.
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